KATHMANDU, NEPAL 1952

                             CHAPTER 2

                                                        DRAWBACK IN OUR STRUGGLE

           An antidote to all the evils of feudalist coming in as obstacles in the path of resurgent national democracy would have been provided through an organized party system under an authoritative and experienced leadership.  There is sufficient material in the country for the formation of such an instrument of fight, although its progress is not guaranteed in view of the medieval background.  The Rana family is secluded enough, and does not obtain deep roots in the soil, and its command over the loyalty of the people is based on popular ignorance rather than on good will and devotion, which were never evoked for lack of public welfare activities of the administration.  With the advantages offered by the exit of the British from India, the possibility of political activities on democratic lines came to bear a practical shape as much as the emigrant Nepalese began showing a tendency of awakening, which was to institute a sense of courage and fearless resistance in those living inside Nepal.  It seemed that the potentialities were working to evolve out a framework of an organization, but never was the lack of general consciousness standing in the way as when it was clear that these required a background to proceed with and without that would remain unworked.  It was then realized that the external forces alone were not enough to generate and move the organizational activity, which came to a standstill as soon as the first frenzy and enthusiasm generated by the first reaction to changes in India in those few persons come forward were over. Obviously the medieval ties were too tenacious and adhering to make it uneasy for the contrary forces to be working, and men and women in spite of the best of intentions found that the background of a democratic struggle was not pre pared. The same explains the nature of the progress made by such a struggle, which has been too slow, painfully low, perhaps keeping pace with the changes in environment, which were equally slow. In such a situation who could say that the existing material was enough unless the components could be extricated from the clutches of medieval forces of morbidly conservative and killing economic disabilities, so long restraining them? The most trying period of the Nepalese democratic struggle, the present period, has been one full of a problem of paucity of men, of men who can not only add weight to the organization, but also add to the numerical strength of the same. 

             The middle class is the spearhead of the democratic revolution. By its growth to maturity it offers a convenient background for a change over to democracy enjoying liberties of expression, speech and unhampered movement of persons and goods. For a middle class to be born and develop the social economy must generate an articulate and antithetical force requiring for its fulfillment a state of fundamental freedom and of removal of shackles binding, which also must be in a position to release adequate energy to overpower the putrid feudal system which resists change. It envisages a type and extent of industrialization, which might feel hampered by feudal restrictions and itself is relentlessly struggling to break them. But in the absence of a developed industrial economy, Nepal has been conspicuous for the absence of a middle class towards fullness of growth and consequently for the lack of a vociferous element struggling to emancipate itself from the grips of the tyrants. Our attempt at enlisting sympathy of the people encounters a check for the reason that the country is wanting in the developed middle class feeling the need of a struggle.

              There is a budding middle class, but it is too much dependent on feudal aristocracy for livelihood and growth to think entirely on an independent line of struggle against the established power or even to feel the need to act in defiance of the authority, of late although there is a tendency to view their problem in terms of a change. Nepal’s is an agricultural economy unalloyed, and unmixed by any intrusion of factory installations, and where not even handicrafts have penetrated to an appreciable extent which had throughout stood as a challenge for any development of prosperous class deriving sustenance out of an improved system of cultivation. Consequently the class of people depending on land is with a few exceptions very poor and subsisting on an level of economic advancement; so that the resultant situation throughout exclude all but the Rana nobility from vantage ground of independence. The few that have gone off the limits are too much entrenched on the soil with ambition to reach the upper level, who always look to the aristocracy for the protection of their rights, which are nevertheless feudal. There is no urge, therefore, for a change of the administration, which has been detested and met indifferently by the lower class, rather than clamored for and in the same spirit the growth of the middle class was stunted.

       The rich Ranas did not adopt commercial undertakings, and whatever surplus was there remained accumulated in their treasuries in the forms of precious metals, coins or bullion. But there was a risk in such a method of accumulation, for when there was a change of rule by coup de tat as at the time the standing arrangement of succession was disturbed, all those struck off the roll would find also their properties lost to the victors. After a time when the need of a safe keeps was driven home the powers that be decided to transfer the cash to foreign countries so that in the event of their being obliged to quit the country  they would get hold of the keep reserved for the rainy days. Nepal was deprived of the resources that would have been utilized to develop the country’s mineral and forest wealth, but more than this the habit of thinking in terms of insecurity grew into an alien mentality spreading to the lower strata which too began shifting its negotiable property to India without regard to the needs of the country. The needful background for the birth of a revolutionary middle class was thus never allowed to come into being and Nepal always lay in medieval state of stultified growth and unawakening. Just as the fact of Nepal's unemployed millions coming to India for work removed the chances of mass revolt and bread riots, similarly the capital migrating not only thinned the rank of the revolutionary bourgeoisie and stultified its, growth but also at the Same time made the remnant of it expectantly looking to the feudal rulers for its own preservation.

Its over all effect on the democratic movement has been to discourage the persons equipped temperamentally to come forward to join it at all. The undergrowth of the interested class bas also rendered such of them as are in India incapable of undoing the ties that bound them to the Nepalese oligarchs, these being so slavishly dependent on them for supplementary pelf and bread. Even in India, therefore, the movement attracted not sufficient notice amongst the nationals. Rather the people felt tempted to fight the autocracy at home, the greater opportunity it offered for such of those few as wanted to make personal game of politics an opportunity to use the preliminary, stage of the struggle for selfish ends, in which process the bribing hands of the Ranas came to play an important part, and our politics not only became an arena of mutual squabb1es but also degenerated muddy and stinky enough to repel persons of abilities and sincerity. 

An organised party and political differences on an ideological plane were never the rule as far as the Nepalese are concerned. As is natural to a state of enslavement, where individuals have been too demoralised to think of ideologies and matters other than those strictly personal, the conscious section of the people, the one expected to give a lead in democratic programmes, are found torn asunder in an atmosphere of distrust and suspicion between pulls of personal loyalties, a state of affairs which has gone to deny to Nepal till now the required strength of a close knit political organisation and its advantages. The legacy of the period when conspiracies rather than the popular movements inspired by ideological awakening determined the issue still holds fast in strict conformity to the medieval surroundings, which has more than anything else shaped the democratic struggle along a pattern very much resembling the hush hush personal and corrupt rule of the feudal Ranas. Nepal's painful lot has been that very few of its sons and daughters are coming forward to the emancipatory struggle, and even of them who have joined the struggle many are not acting up to the expectation being embroiled in the narrow groove of petty jealousy and self interest as their state of inadequate consciousness and training to an art of advanced party politics determined. 

The apt description of the mental state of the Nepalese would be to call it a deplorable apathy and docility bred by a long period of enslavement, which prevent ever the very conscious of them to come together in a fighting organization. That these themselves belong to a state of incorrect line of thinking as a result of insufficient awakening nobody will doubt. But the many evils that have cropped up in our body politic artificially engendered will remain there as long as this state does not change towards full consciousness. The one problem before every one of us is to try to remove this apathy, and impel the people onwards to a course of struggles. As a huge majority of them are hesitant to shake off their lethargy and join the struggle in a spirit of enlightenment there is going to present a gigantic problem. It is a tragedy that when all the world over people are enthused over the question of democratic changes we in Nepal are snoring in medieval slumber unknowing of the Kaleidoscopic changes all around.  

The past is dogging our footsteps. The popular movement has not succeeded in eschewing personal bias from the ideological context. Individuals rather than ideologically prompted parties have been the guiding factors, and as in the past these have not ceased to be pervious to corrupting influences, except when certain emotional Outburst took more men to jail on diverse occasions and subjected them to conscious suffering, this has been the general rule, which in spite of the fact that some very sincere men offered their services to the nation, and some two hundred souls following them courted arrest the end of a party formation is still out of the reach. This failure has got to be attributed to insufficient awakening and lack of tradition of struggle amongst the people, which had prevented many of them to appreciate the beneficent outcome of the democratic movement. 

When India attained independence many people having scant knowledge of Nepalese conditions thought Nepal to be just another image of a protected native state which seemed falling down during the dismantling operation started by Sardar Patel. They could not obviously realise the odds to be encountered in a venture like this. True, the dissolution of the Indian states followed the exit of Britain, and states were dissolved irrespective of the degree of political advance they made, which in some cases was no higher than Nepal's. Such people are now disillusioned as Nepalese autocracy sits reposing as tough as ever. But the havoc the wrong estimate of the situation wrought was terribly nasty so far. It has driven a wedge in the rank of the Nepalese democratic struggle. The worst was done by the intervention of certain political parties of India, whose leaders acted purely from narrow party interest in a spirit as if their men were sooner coming at the helm of affairs in this region. Their indiscretion landed them again to back up a very dishonest group which did not even share Nepalese citizenship with most of the others engaged in the Nepa11iberation struggle. 

The recent formation of the democratic party with a sure backing of a wing of the U.P. Congress  be taken as a tota1 different development, but here too a poor knowledge of the Nepalese condition is discerned, and in addition there is a suggestive likeness to Indian party’s role, according to which Nepal was to be transferred into an arena of Indian party politics. Opportunism and unhealthy party strife, the latter inspired by India, have been also to an extent obstacles to the growth of party politics in Nepal along national and healthy channel. And all these parties fighting mutually are all stationed in India fighting mutually, which makes the meaning of the pull exercised by the Indian parties and other interests all the more ridiculous. 

The exile Ranas, the founders of Democratic Congress, form another category of outsiders who spoiled the political career of the Country sacrificing it to their own self interest. It were they who helped the starting of the movement as it was shaped in 1947 under the favourable atmosphere created by the changes in the Delhi administration. But instead of helping it to proceed on strictly natural line according to the circumstances they tried to deliberately import personal ambition into it, which was to be fulfilled by behind-the- screen control of affairs. The lack of sound leadership in the movement characterised by the absence of men of experience and maturity, was a temptation to attempt to use the same for narrow group ends, which they did despite opposition, and although they could not get hold of the parent organisation they are running a show and satisfying  their vanity with a command over a new party. They little know that  the goal is far off, and the tentacles spread affect only a few of the people on the vanguard, who are misguided and demoralised enough to care for stomach, while they, the Ranas, continue to be fleeced by  interested persons. 

 In one aspect the Nepalese political scene as it is reflected in the democratic camp bears a close analogy with that of the palace, where petty jealousy and rancour thrive at the feet of the cruel and condescending master, where everything has to be achieved by underhand means and morality and character do not count. Because of the exile Ranas taking lively interest in political movement there is a class of palace hangers-on themselves co-exiles whose role has been to vitiate the  atmosphere by intrigues of a type designed to effect ascendancy of the financing lord, which has greatly narrowed the scope and character of the democratic struggle in as much as it was being tried to be pinned down to a family feud. It is a  very unpleasing spectacle to see the erstwhile courtiers of the Ranas  relations and faithful servants of theirs, masquerading in the roll of patriots, engaged in playing a nasty game which has polluted the newly emerging structure of our national democratic movement. 

           Unlike in India where from the very beginning the national movement could enlist the services and co-operation of the choicest sons of the country, we are being deprived of the talent and experience, and our movement has as yet failed to bring in its fold men of attainments and affluence. Educated young men in general are shirking the issue, and their preference goes to the meager salary of the services at Katmandu. Consequently the type of the people able to assume leadership of the movement are keeping aloof leaving the guidance into irresponsible and inexperienced hands. Sincerity is not lacking in some of those already in the field, but ability is not there, and paucity of the number is sufficiently annoying. Until now we are not privileged enough to command the allegiance of appreciably large number of people who might have joined the struggle as full fledged workers of the party.

        The exile Ranas are too susceptible to adulations and to assurances of short cut path of revenge, which mercenary agents exploit to the full. The exploiters have known that they are attracted by a grand scheme and offer a bait of secret. maneuvering to that end. Practicability of a scheme is no matter. At the moment the agents are staging a show of a united front and a an attracting factor peace and nonviolence as a method have been dropped from the objective resolution. The Ranas acclaimed this move in the full throated voice little realising that it is another coming device to fleece them and to pave the way for entirely different forces to appear. But all this is attended with extremely harmful effects and in the long run will prevent the popular movement from rising to stature in ordinary course of  time. 

           In competition to other parties they have proved a formidable menace to the natural growth of a popular movement. Where money is the sole consideration, ideology does not find scope to work. Naturally the political organisation has come to bear a meaning very much synonymous with an earning business concern. This notion about the Nepalese organisation is not confined to the Nepalese. Some of the Indian news men and press have readily seized with the temptation offered to beat a drum of praise of the party financing the movement, which goes to blackmail and suppress the sincere work put up by parties other than one of the Ranas. This has worked a truculent havoc and will impede the progress of the popular movement. But more than that it has meant another irreparable waste of resources because other parties are doing the same work without corresponding charges and about those press men and workers who are honest and sincere enough to kick the money bags it must be admitted that the people's camp is actually meeting the challenge with success because of their readiness to help the genuine movement. The agents of the exile Ranas are, however, acting with impunity as to lend themselves to the success of the move irrespective of the result it is producing. 

        Because the exile Ranas have been trying to divert the modus vivendi of the movement to a channel suiting their own convenience, which is just to rake up the old grudge, we have not been able to operate what could be in reality called a people’s movement. Apart from the corrupting influence which their participation indirectly exerts in that most of the people drawn into the vortex have been generally termed mercenaries. the democratic movement as a whole suffered from a lack of programme which would have ultimately broadened the scope and method of the agitation to touch the masses of the people. Any agitation conducted with a view only to condemn a party without any plan of a mass awakening can in no circumstances traverse beyond its narrow path and produce results which would have gone to awaken the general mass of the people. This explains the comparatively poor result of the movement which we have seen thus far. The exile Ranas are not interested in building up a people's organisation as their sole purpose has been to defame their opponents and nothing more than that. Obviously the range of their activities is too limited to allow for a long term plan of organisational work. And those whom they have charged with responsibilities and agency work know this fact fully well, which determines the farcical character of the party they are running. Those who are there only to grow fat on the purse of the Ranas by playing with their feelings have no deeper interest than the one demanding fulfillment of a base motive. Hence the huge expense on the work proved as wastage which filled only the coffers of the mercenary agents.  

          As it happens in a backward country corrupted by moneyed Ranas all sense of discipline in the rank and file is conspicuously non- existent and many in them have pretensions to leadership, which with bifurcations already made facilitates unhealthy groupings. For the few who have sincerely joined the movement it is a welter of confusion to witness seven parties and groupings sitting separately tight, yet confusion gets worse confounded when the total composing all these is counted, which is far from being adequate for a single composite group.

             The overwhelming majority of the Nepalese outside Nepal, it is said there are nearly thirty lakhs of them, are themselves wallowing in poverty and ignorance, and those of them who are conscious enough to show vigilance for work in order to wrest freedom are engaged in securing citizenship right in India in too self-centred way to think of anything else. There is also a tendency in most of them to regard Nepal as a secondary problem, which makes them unapproachable on purely national issues affecting Nepal. Practically speaking, therefore, the attitude of the India domiciled Nepalese has been disap- pointing on the whole, and little is to be expected of them if the present state of the mind continues. 

          The Rana rulers are exploiting this sore spot in the life of the nation to resist all attempts at changing the status quo. They know that they have a monopoly over the country’s resources and talent which they purchase with gold and silver and use at the point of bayonets. Even at that they are not playing the role of a spectator watching an innocent game of hide and seek. They are busy at disrupting and poisoning the democratic camp. It is most probable that the present division is so1ely due to their mischief. Any searching eyes will notice a cunning hand working to render the agitation carried against them totally ineffective. In the present context the rulers have on1y to throw in a handful of individuals to vitiate the atmosphere. It will not be difficult for half a dozen agent provocateurs of the type the Rana rulers have with them, whom they furnish requisite tools, to successfully sabotage the unity of ranks in the democratic movement as is evident from the recent happenings. The story of the split in the Nepali National Congress, and subsequent emergence of another organisation bearing a like name is a pointer in the direction. It shows the meddling hands of a saboteur who was busily trying to nullify our efforts for the formation of a united front against the Ranas. In the development that followed history had almost repeated. In the past success had crowned their efforts even as the men prominent in the front had succumbed to the bait the Ranas offered. We have heard of not a few ignoble records of ceasing all anti-Rana activities under influence and of the series of concrete examples of deflections, which were themselves a faithful rehearsal of the earlier betrayal of the cause at the hands of a few undesirables who had helped the agents of the Ranas to spy and bring to an end Suba Debi Prasad's agitational programme of the weekly ‘Gorkhali' and further on by crossing over to the enemy's camp. In 1947 the Ranas were not destined to achieve the result to the extent they did in the preceding period. The impediment was encountered through those who would not yield to pressure although division was thrust in their midst, and willy nilly they had to accept the position as it came to them. There was a difference in the situation too, as the movement now unlike in the period preceding had borne a democratic character and not confined to one or two individuals to be able to decide the issue without reference. The result was that as soon as the interested persons started mischief, there arose a stiff uncompromising stand against the policy from the sincere group. It is true that the tactics of the mischievous agents were too subtle to be felt at the first encounter. The fact that a great majority of the people would not distinguish between parties for reasons of their ignorance afforded additional ground for intensifying the mischief. Ideological differences were glossed over and a veritable scene of acrimonious debates was presented to cloud the main issue. But nowhere the attempt at sabotage proved so abortive. Their failure indicates that the democratic movement had outlived the stage when a few bribed persons could bring the entire programme of action to a dead stop. All the same it could not be denied that the imprint of the saboteur's hands was there too impressive to be blotted out for a long time to come as it went exercising restraint on many sincere souls who were now groping in the dark with a sense of frustration, uudoubtedly the reflection of an insufficient awakening and backward condition of the people in general, who could have been the best judge to punish the culprits at the polling booths by their legitimate and democratic verdict.*

  conceived idea of a propitious occasion. The newly started Nepali National Congress was to be one of the weapons to hit the opponents. 

         Even as its foundation was laid by the monetary assistance provided by a kith of theirs, the organisation came under their direct influence. At the height of the agitation it was clear .that it was leaning on that section, for what one would make out if not the impression like this from a procession shouting pro-Padma Shumsher slogan. But the leaders of the other group too were not viewing the development complacently. As soon as they got the better of it over the Pro-Reforms section in the Palace tussle they took the earliest opportunity to play an insidious game for the purpose of disrupting the democratic camp that was gathering strength with the impetus it received through the encouragement of the ruling group of the Ranas. It was the time when the Nepali National Congress stood in need of solidarity having just gone through an ordeal of a struggle however minimum. But it was fated to be rent asunder between the group politics of the Ranas, and disruption immediately set in. It was discovered later that a political leader had carried with him a letter from a prominent Rana General on the roll to an exile Rana living in Calcutta, which purported to provide to him resources for a big move. It bore an instruction that the existing arrangement of the leadership of the Congress should be disturbed to eject the person, then the President, who was an undesirable from their view point. It was a plea to have only such men in the front rank of the agitation on whom they could place reliance to act for their interest. There was a thorough preparation for a prompt move in contemplation in which certain Indian leaders as well were brought in to cast their influence on the side of the offenders in order to convince the exile magnates of the efficacy of the plan. Whatever might have been the outcome, and it was certainly not to the satisfaction of those who wanted to utilise the plan for their own petty ends, ends not fulfilled let them to consider themselves duped, the overall picture left after the carrying out of the first installment of the scheme of ejectment was very much ugly and full of schism and patches represented by multiple parties and groups. When on the question of  forcible ejectment, the constitutional head, of the organisation offered was offered resistance nothing but a clear cut ramification across its body was the inevitable result, which m its turn set in moilon group rivalries and excited egoistic tendencies of megalomaniacs and half-educated individuals so long lying in a dormant state under restraint of unified leadership. 

       Again while a notable member of a particular party entered Kathmandu underground to contact the Maharaja, which culminated in his indirectly helping the Nepal Police to quell the "implement reform" agitation conducted by the Panchayat the state of pettiness and degradation to which persons with political background could sink was still clearer. It meant that those appearing as the vanguard of the democratic camp were not only lacking in character but definitely stooped to depravity in characteristic fashion of a palace stooge. The Praja Panchayat was certainly not prompted with a sectariar1 outlook in demanding implementation of reforms, but the offensive danger had come from the side of the people and the underground presence of one who was comrade-in-arms with the agitators had to be taken advantage of to facilitate the tracing and round up of the leadership, so that the very root of the anti -Rana stirs could be removed  from the capital city. Curiously enough Kathmandu maintain till now the quiet that was born of the inhuman repression following the arrest of the member. Not  that there is less of anti-Rana feeling. There is much of it. All sections of the people, of course, such of them as fully conversant and their number is not small, are dissatisfied with the state of affairs obtaining in the country at the present time. There is a suppressed murmur audible enough, but not expressive. Thus even though there is not a degree of wide awakening, there is an expanding field for preliminary democratic agitation. And to count the talent outside the circle of the Rana dignitaries, one may even feel satisfied that there is sufficient material for the working of a democratic constitution. A  large scale struggle against the Ranas if based on the cooperation of , this class of people would beoa formidable proposition, and the available talents pooled together can very easily consolidate a vanguard  party. But people worth the name are withholding and hesitant. The democratic camp has not as yet obtained a large number of people who can inspire confidence, and is thereby impoverished. What was deficient as a general outcome of backward environment could be got over by a systematic and planned utilisation of the available resources of men and substance. But the same has overwhelmingly dominated the course of politics in our country. Nepal cannot be com- pared with India in this respect for in the latter, in spite of contrary forces, the movement was manned by the very able and eminent sons of the land. Again we fall back on the argument that Nepal is wanting in middle class, which is quite a justified reasoning. In India all those who suffered in the mutiny, all the aristocrats had been reduced to that status, felt the urge to improve their condition, social or political, according as the need arose in conformity to the rise of new economic forces. In Nepal not only the aristocracy did away with the old intermediary, but allowed the least growth to the new class by total denial of all educational facilities unlike in India where the army of educated unemployed was a constant source of trouble to the authorities. The fact that the educated persons have to partially depend on the Ranas for livelihood for want of independent profession in the economic life of the country, and are easily absorbed on the services renders, the many of them quite impotent to produce any harm to the ruling authority they are so servile and attached to the feudal order economically. The educated man, and the propertied man in Nepal are more shy, more withdrawing and more unconcerned about their surroundings than their present day counterparts in other countries. The influence of the backward environment has been too heavy on their mind to lead them to entertain ideas of relief and even entertaining to think of disburdening. It is a sorrowful tale of depravity and democratisation undergone by a class of people in course of the ages under the hideous rule of the most vulgar Asian autocracy, which keeps them out of the reach of all noble sentiments of patriotism and higher living. 

        Jobbery is not the only weapon in their bands. Whatever outpasses the boundary of etiquette set up by the most narrow consideration of human behaviour is liable to be ruthlessly crushed. All kinds of deviation from the sublime path of obedience to the dictates of the autocratic regime are severely dealt with to the extent of being awarded death sentence, not uncommon till 1941. Intimidation into submission prevents many who would have otherwise responded to the  nation from joining the opposition against the demand to which they are surrendered heart and soul. Fear grips a large number of them, and paralyses the boldest. Now the method has been not too cruel, it has underwent a change, but the prospect of indefinite detention, all prisoners in Nepal are detained without legal trial, and shabby treatment in the jail and of victimisation of family members acts as a counter instilling a sense of diffidence in men, which cools all enthusiasm for struggle. The Rana rules leave no stone unturned in order to exercise fear and restraint in the mind of the conscious citizens by all sorts of terrorising measures, most of them foul and high- handed. Inside Nepal except on occasions of emotional outburst the ground for a large scale rising of the people does not seem preparing and the lack of a party which provides guidance and leadership for such momentous action is mainly responsible for the sort of pathetic  condition. 

           Our own experience of organisational work  outside Nepal is  equally discouraging. Apart from the deficient material  hand and Ranas’ agents meddling to sabotage the efforts in the direction and  fissiparous tendencies due to them, there is yet another difficulty imported into the situation, which wholly owes to the imperfect training  of the mind of a domiciled Nepalese in India. Because his political consciousness is a recent phenomenon, his-mind bas been too narrow to shake off the usual restraint of archaic reactionary tradition and  the sense of outraged existence hunting him. It is not a happy sign of him to remain embroiled in the old muddle headedness when we expect him to rise to break all shackles.

           Temperamentally he is not finding himself in a better position in free India. He is too weighed down by ideas of exploitation and undergrowth and as all blame be always lays at the door of the plainsmen, he feels that he need fight them to wrest his legitimate rights. In this mood of war he completely' forgets his mother country, and also the fact that she would if she could deliver good to her emigrant children. He has a feeling of a separate nationality and is urged on to appeal to the kind affection of v the mother but he chooses a wrong agent. The result is that without his sad plight being redeemed even without distant sight of it he is brought face to face to all tempting avarices. which come pouring in through the many channels of munificence the Ranas contrive to run to ingratiate the leadership and masses of the awakened emigrants. In an attempt to divert the attentions of the domiciled Nepalese the Ranas very cleverly subsidize the local party men, and encourage them on to the path of conflict with their co-nationals of non-Gorkha blood. By the appointment of consuls in India and Burma they have certainly posed as Champions of the rights of their nationals although during the hundred years of the Rana rule not a word was said in their favour. We also hear of new inns and hostels for students constructed for Nepalese nationals and students in India, and of other needs and amenities receiving close attention, which is likely to create a sense of obligation towards the beneficiaries. Very recently the cry for a hill province has also submerged all the remaining solicitude for their terror stricken brethren living in the home country, so that in the ensuing turmoil our appeal for help and active participation is scarcely heeded. An honest, well meaning and progressive leadership would have offered corrective to the situation but the tradition that is developing is a blind alley where narrow national sentiment thrives, and the main issue is lost in the dark. The Gorkha League leadership is conducting its policy on a faulty line. Its primary concern would have been Nepal, the mother country. Their attitude of indifference to Nepal is a great stumbling block to the progress of the democratic movement inside Nepal as amongst the emigrants they are no doubt the only organised party of the Nepalese, but deplorably the organisation they have built up could not be properly canalised being deprived of the principal source of the country's strength that was so essential for any semblance of democratic struggle against the entrenched autocracy.

          For one thing the course of action adopted by us proved totally unavailing to produce appreciable results. It was a too faulty imitation of Indian congress methods which was not in practice applicable to Nepalese conditions. In a country where civil liberty hardly exists, a type of political work secretly preparing the ground for a general flare up to follow was what was necessary as a preliminary stage. Platform was quite harmful, because any identity as to this sort of work detected robbed it of the major contribution.