KATHMANDU, NEPAL 1952

                                                                CHAPTER 3

          END OF RANACRACY IN SIGHT  

            The autocrats might derive satisfaction at the state of comparatively poor awakening of the people, which obviously falls short of the proportion required to effect speedy overthrow of the regime. They may feel relieved of the anxiety to be overwhelmed by the democratic movement by an eye to the apparently disorganized and internally broken democratic camp. They may also feel elated with the thought of what was gone in regard to successfully corrupting the few leaders who have now openly started to preach for them. But all this is illusive optimism, and if they have put undue reliance on these factors there cannot be a worse misled man. The crisis, which Nepalese autocracy wants to avert and crush, is gradually gathering momentum in spite of him and his efforts to turn the same into opposite channel. Whatever might be the present degree and extent of political awakening in the masses and the strength and organization of the democratic camp, it is undeniable that discontent against the oppressive rule of the Rana family is fast rising which is likely to set in motion a revolt and disorder however unorganized it may appear at the initial stage. It is also becoming increasingly clear that the support attached to the feudal rule is thinning on account of the obnoxious type of exploitation, which has benefited a single family at the cost of the populace without any sort of concession to any other group. In the nature of administration which is dominated by one single family claiming suzerainty on divine rights, where enrichment of a minute fraction had been the one and only accompaniment, it could not be otherwise. But the same has been responsible for antagonizing one all sections of the people without exception in every rank other than those directly connected with the rulers automatically and whose number too is dwindling, and set them against the regime Even admitting that consciousness touches only a fringe of the people one can safely assert that this consciousness has a1so accentuated hatred against the Ranas. The over all picture is that one hardly comes across a person of knowledge who in his heart of hearts is not unfavorably disposed to the rulers. The structure of administration they have erected and maintained is so domineering and atrocious and haughty for the people outside the Rana family that not one of them feels happy or secure with the inevitable concomitant that he is made in addition to secretly nurture a grievance and spirit of revenge against the overbearing and insolent behavior of the rulers drawing sustenance out of a sense of over confidence. The gravity of the situation will be realized from the fact that this state of dissatisfaction and animosity finds no exception and as matters stand today this has pervaded not only the highly placed non-Rana person ages but also a large number of the influential members of the Rana family who do not share a community of interest with His Highness Mohan and his brothers, and immediate cousins in whom power and wealth of the state are being concentrated. Probing deeper one marks a widening rift in the Rana  family and there is a definite sign of its being exposed to the full blast of internal disturbance and it is a fact that cracks have appeared. It may be to only embarrass the men in power and not to sincerely help the democratic movement but it is now an open secret that many members of the Rana family incuding some on the roll are making a common cause with the exile dissidents to have entered the democratic front. No amount of pampering including a bait to offer them equality of status in matters of dining could wean the exiles away towards him, which again aggravates the situation. The only sustaining aspect of the problem from the official party's point of view is the lack of an ideal prompting these disgruntled elements in the Rana family, which in reality does not also end well for the consolidation and progress of the democratic struggle, but there is no doubt that it is giving a serious headache to the rulers. Who knows that these men now on the war path simply to score the ancient grudge may even for themselves realize the futility of an isolated fight and throw themselves heart and soul on the struggle on the side of democracy?  So swiftly is the change over into the state of opposition even though it might be lying pent tip that the conscious section of the population is experiencing its passion rising high, which is restrained only for want of a suitable occasion and consolidated organization to assume a flare up.

         But this is not the only menace threatening the regime. In fact the machinery of administration itself is too outworn and outdated to stand the pressure of new forces coming in the wake of a widely popular awakening. The shabby ill organized and corrupt administration is powerless to cope with the situation that is likely to arise if the people take up cudgels and show determination to fight. Except in the valley the Government is notoriously an entity in name and its existence rests solely on the ignorance of the people whose idea in that line is the tax-collecting agency. We know how the entire country outside the valley presents a picture of neglect and apathy totally alien to a civilized government. Even the work of protecting citizens from lawlessness is pitifully neglected, there being no provision for the maintenance of an agency to safeguard law and order. The administration is so centralized in a single potentate that it has failed to respond to the need of the hour, and quick decision is never the rule, for as the convention obtains at present it is the Maharaja Prime Minister alone who has to direct operations and give instructions for any major or minor contingency. Without reference to him nothing of importance can be decided. But his hands are too full, as is also the in ordinate delay involved in making him take a decision owing to absence of communication. Already these shortcomings have begun to over strain the medieval resources of the Government even though the problem they have to deal with is comparatively less alarming in magnitude. It is certain that it will not be possible to get over a conflagration however ill organized the same may be if they have to meet with the weapon of defense they now possess. But the machine which is theirs is in keeping with the spirit of administration obtaining everywhere under feudalism and the same can be renovated and s et straight only under conditions of democracy coming with the end the family rule, which surely the autocrats will oppose by eve means for fear of losing their all. The resultant situation, therefore, is full of disquietitude to the men in saddle at Kathmandu; from even a short point of view their cause is doomed to failure.

After August 1947 when freedom was thrust on them the autocrats found themselves totally unprepared for the new situation. They were as though taken out of the hole to face the eye dazzling sunlight. They were exposed to full publicity and were really dazzled. This explains the hesitation with which they are moving in the international firmament. They do not get able men to represent the Government in diplomatic relations and talks. Ambassadorship is a high post, and this cannot go to a non-Rana, even if some one was fit for such a job, which is another headache. There is one man who is accredited to three countries, USA, Britain and France over an area extending to more than four thousand miles. This appears again an absurdity and give little credit to their regime but the Ranas must put up with it. Also participating in regional meetings of the world organizations has become a tough problem as much as it is also unavoidable in view of the independent status. But the Nepalese representative fears to open his mouth in the august gatherings. He is unfamiliar, shy, and nervous and suffers from inferiority complex to the degree that he bullies his own men inside Nepal without mercy.

        As the ruler of the medieval state, the Nepalese Prime Minister had no serious problems to tackle. In the nature of things the responsibilities discharged by them were of meager worth much without risk undertaken merely on the basis of the loyalty they commanded from the illiterate masses. As a matter of fact the administration of Nepal is not a burden on the incumbent. It is a lucrative source of income just like any other investment with the difference that it has also no responsibility, it is all rights and no duties. This character of the administration continues more or less in one and unchangeable pattern till today. But now it has come to be assailed though modestly and slowly. The rise of new problems demanding exercise of greater and more mature wisdom is unnerving the rulers. Like the field of international diplomacy the indigenous popular agitation is another intricacy they are finding almost impossible to unweave. Their antique frame of mind is incapable of understanding the forces at work, and so is their ingenuity to come to their rescue failing to serve the purpose.

        The international situation as it emerged after the Second World War influenced Nepal in two ways. The British were forced to relinquish their hold of India, and Nepal was thus cut off from the mooring that kept it aloft in the protection of the empire. As a direct sequel to this, the Nepalese autocracy came to be subjected to a volley of criticism, because the ban on such a criticism lapsed forthwith in India and all its vagaries and evil side were ripped open before the outside world. It is true that its effect inside Nepalese not very much appreciable so as to undermine the regime but it is nevertheless sufficiently embarrassing. The second effect of, the world war closely following the first just noted was to place the Nepalese rulers in are awkward position of intimate geographical relationship with independent democratic India, which they never dreamed to happen in their life time. This has at least given them an inkling of the truth and what it may like to take shape in Nepal under the impact of democratic forces  which are surely sending their repercussions.

          But the greatest threat to Ranacracy is presented in course of their new relationship with Nehru’s Government. The Ranas are used to looking to Britain and America in regard to all questions of importance  including their Indian contracts, which, however, Nehru and his associates do not like. There is evidence to believe that the Government of India have given expression of their feeling of resentment against Nepalese foreign policy as pursued consistently by its Prime Minister. Very recently a proposal to make Nepal shape its foreign and defense policy on the lines of the Delhi Government seems again to have failed  to obtain Ranas' willing acceptance Even this year's Indo-Nepalese treaty was a failure as far as it left Nepal in a position to deal as it liked with all foreign powers. In addition to being extremely annoyed on this account the Indian leaders are perturbed over the comparatively weak military strength of the Rajas vis a vis the onrush of communist movement in Tibet. They think that an autocratic Government of the type functioning in Nepal is not capable of mobilizing all anti-communist elements except those strictly feudal. The Government of India do seem to take very seriously the question of introducing certain democratic changes in the administration of Nepal as a measure to counteract the growth of communist influence and save the vociferous of democratic elements from their blandishments, and here is a real source of conflict between the Ranas and the Indian leaders, more so because the former cannot view with favor any trends likely to affect their absolutism and grounds of vantage in the country. It is very difficult to say where this conflict will lead to and its terms of resolution. But one thing appears very definite and that is the pressure from Delhi applied in Katmandu for changes. The future of the Rana family will depend on their readiness to co-operate with the Government of India, and further obstinacy in their part is likely to create larger complications that will bring surely their downfall.

 A new factor shaking them to the core is the recent advance the communists made in China, which again puts Nepal in immediate contiguity with the territory of a Government diametrically opposed to feudalism. Further there is in Lhasa and other Tibetan centers a scattered common of Nepalese traders who are likely to be indoctrinated with ideas of communism as soon as the Chinese will contact them. Nepal is already bestirred. Active communist infiltration cannot be discounted in the circumstances that have cropped up in the neighboring north.

       Thus we see that the Ranas' Nepal is threatened from within and without. It is true that these are not going to assert fully within a short period of time and without adequate efforts on the part of the Nepalese people. Perhaps Nepal will have to wait for a revolutionary situation to mature for the duration of the Asian struggle in completion. But in no circumstances it is going to be a very long time. Now Red China poses a new issue. The triumph of the people's cause in that part of Asia just north of Nepal has a very great significance for us. The way the Katmandu tyrants are shaken to the marrow is an augury from which we cannot shut our eyes. The feudal structure of Nepal faces a violent storm. The situation is gradually developing to that end. Our people do experience a new spur of enthusiasm for their struggle. The Nepalese democratic struggle in these circumstances is bound to make rapid strides, to record a progress which would not have been possible in the old Asian set up. When imperialist structures are cracking in every part of the world, the Nepalese autocrats whose strength rested on these are not going to put up a fight for their existence just for want of support so far propping them up. They are doomed to disappear. Nepal cannot remain feudal when the two countries on its borders enjoy a democratic government of their own.  

But there are pitfalls. It is for the people of Nepal to grow sufficiently alert and be on their guard. Inimical forces are working to sabotage our movement under a false  and how of sympathy and efforts are being made to buttress reaction as against the democratic elements. Ranaism is likely to appear in a new deceitful garb of democracy propped up by outside reaction particularly Indian. This is the time to understand the inner current of forces active in that direction. Failure would lead to new complications and the progress so far made may get retarded. It must be our endeavor not to be waylaid by glib slogans of reforms and carryon the struggle whatever be its immediate result.